A video circulating widely on social media depicts a distraught man, his face bloodied and filled with anguish, condemning Hamas leadership in stark terms. “I am an academic doctor,” he exclaims, “I had a good life, but we have a filthy [Hamas] leadership. They got used to our bloodshed, may God curse them! They are scum!” This scene, unimaginable before the ongoing Gaza war, was filmed outside a hospital overwhelmed with Palestinian casualties following an Israeli operation to free hostages from central Gaza last month.
Seconds before the video concludes, the man addresses the crowd. “I’m one of you,” he declares, “but you are a cowardly people. We could have avoided this attack!” The video quickly went viral, reflecting a growing trend of open criticism against Hamas in Gaza, both on the streets and online.
Some Gaza residents have publicly criticized Hamas for hiding hostages in apartments near a bustling marketplace or for launching rockets from civilian areas. According to residents, cursing and swearing against Hamas leadership have become commonplace in marketplaces, with some donkey cart drivers even nicknaming their animals after Yahya Sinwar, the Hamas leader in Gaza, urging them forward with shouts of “Yallah, Sinwar!”
One man told the BBC, “People say things like, ‘Hamas has destroyed us’ or even call on God to take their lives. They ask what the 7 October attacks were for – some say they were a gift to Israel.” Some residents are even urging their leaders to agree to a ceasefire with Israel. Despite this dissent, many Gazans remain fiercely loyal to Hamas, and after years of repressive control, it is challenging to gauge the extent of the group’s waning support or the boldness of existing opponents to voice their dissent.
Even some individuals on Hamas’s payroll are wavering. A senior Hamas government employee, speaking anonymously to the BBC, described the Hamas attacks as “a crazy, uncalculated leap.” He revealed, “I know from my work with the Hamas government that it prepared well for the attack militarily, but it neglected the home front. They did not build any safe shelters for people; they did not reserve enough food, fuel, and medical supplies. If my family and I survive this war, I will leave Gaza at the first chance I get.”
Opposition to Hamas existed long before the current conflict, though much of it remained hidden due to fear of reprisals. In the last Palestinian elections held in 2006, Gazans voted for Hamas in 15 out of 24 seats in the territory; in the other nine districts, voters chose different parties. A year later, Hamas violently expelled Palestinian Authority forces from Gaza, leading to a bitter rift with the rival Fatah movement and taking over the administration of the Gaza Strip.
Political activist Ameen Abed, who had been arrested many times for speaking out against Hamas before the war, noted that dissent has become more common. “In Gaza, most people criticize what Hamas has done,” he said. “They see children living in tents, and insulting their leaders has become routine. But Hamas still has a lot of support among those outside Gaza’s border, who are sitting under air conditioners in their comfortable homes, who have not lost a child, a home, a future, a leg.”
The ongoing conflict has eroded social structures in Gaza, with four-fifths of the population displaced, often moving between temporary shelters. Law and order have deteriorated, partly due to Israel’s policy of targeting Gaza’s security forces, not just Hamas’s internal security service but also the community police responsible for street crime. As control has waned, criminal gangs have thrived, looting neighborhoods and aid convoys, and private security companies, some run by powerful local families, have emerged.
An aid organization staff member described the situation as “absolute chaos at street level” and “a state of anarchy,” indicating that civilian order has completely broken down. Despite the chaos, some aid agencies in both northern and southern Gaza report regular checks on their activities by local Hamas officials. Videos frequently circulate showing unofficial Hamas security forces shooting and beating those caught looting.
A source familiar with Hamas told the BBC that dozens of people had been killed by Hamas in bloody score-settling with other local groups after Israeli troops withdrew from one area. Although fear of criticizing Gaza’s leaders might have lessened, it has not disappeared entirely, making it difficult to accurately gauge the extent of the shift in support for Hamas.
Some, like 26-year-old Jihad Talab, continue to strongly support Hamas. Displaced from the Zeitoun area of Gaza City with his wife, daughter, and mother, and now sheltering in Deir al Balah, he defended the group. “We must support [Hamas] because it’s the one working on the ground, the one who understands the battle – not you or I,” he said. “Empty accusations only serve the Occupation [Israel]. We’ll support it until our last breath.”
A regular poll by the West Bank-based Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research suggests that most people in Gaza still blame Israel and its allies for the war, rather than Hamas. The latest survey in June found that almost two-thirds of Gazan respondents were satisfied with Hamas, a 12-point increase from December, and that around half would prefer Hamas to continue running Gaza after the war ends over any other option. These results contrast with several accounts given to the BBC, including from a senior Hamas official who privately acknowledged that the group was losing support due to the war.
The ongoing media blockade around Gaza makes it difficult to provide a comprehensive assessment of the situation. International journalists are barred by Israel and Egypt from reporting on the ground. However, it is clear that Hamas remains very sensitive to public opinion. Strikingly similar messages regularly appear on certain social media platforms to justify its actions, often in response to criticism at home.
For instance, after Israeli families released a video showing the moment female soldiers were kidnapped by Hamas units on 7 October, some in Gaza questioned whether targeting women during war aligned with Islamic teachings. In response, several pro-Hamas social media accounts posted messages insisting that soldiers, regardless of gender, were justified military targets, claiming the unit had been involved in shooting Gazan protestors during demonstrations six years ago.
Criticism of Hamas is intensifying, and long-buried divisions over Hamas rule in Gaza are surfacing. Amidst the destruction left by Israel’s battle with Hamas, a new war is emerging: a battle for control of public opinion within Gaza itself.
